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OPINION: Lee, Owens, Lumumba, and Banks pleas reveal Jackson’s racial divide

By Ivory Phillips

JA Contributing Editor

Immediately after Mayor Chokwe A. Lumumba’s plea of guilty to bribery charges, the media began interviewing residents. There was a much greater effort to do so following his plea than had been the case after the pleas of District Attorney Jody Owens and Councilwoman Angelique Lee and than there was regarding the plea of Councilman Aaron Banks, which seems to indicate the real target in the FBI sting operation was Lumumba. 

On another note, the interviews provided an opportunity to witness the on-going racial political divide in Jackson. 

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What one can see is that responding white citizens appear to focus solely on bribery and the exposed corruption involved. Their concern appears to be primarily the feeling that Jackson is thereby turning the corner and becoming the kind of city that is attracting businesses and residents. 

What appears to be the primary concern of Black citizens, as reflected in the news conference held by the coalition of Black lawyers, is there was a concerted effort to target these Black officials. 

Although the initial plan to use entrapment as a defense was abandoned, many Black citizens firmly believe Lumumba in particular was set-up or targeted because he had been such a strong advocate for Black rights and the Black community. They knew of his defense of the city’s airport, the city’s water and sewage systems, his opposition to the diminishing of the city’s police and judicial authority, and his battles with the governor and state legislative leaders over funding and political rights. The list goes on and on.

Similar to Governor Tate Reeves and other state leaders, many white residents strongly opposed Lumumba and policies as well as the portrait he presented vis a vis the white power brokers. This had been reflected in both of the mayoral elections when he ran. In those races, white voters overwhelmingly supported his opponents. The FBI operation was thus seen as an extension of the effort to “get Lumumba.”

The racial divide is also revealed in the fact that Lumumba was pursued over a $50,000 bribe, given in the name of campaign contributions (with Banks and Lee receiving even less), while there was and is still less effort expended to pursue all of the white officials involved in the $77 million diverted from the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF). Apparently, the crimes of the Jackson officials are legally less egregious than those of the state officials, since their maximum possible prison sentence is five years, whereas the state officials allegedly involved in the TANF case could potentially face more than 20 years imprisonment. Nevertheless, the city officials were pursued and publicized to the hilt. Many Black residents believe the entire scheme was hatched in order to oust the Lumumba administration.

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At this juncture one can see the racial divide in the sense that many Black residents voice the hope Lumumba’s legacy will be considered in such a way his sentence will be lenient. They express the belief that he, in particular, pled guilty in order to spare the public exposure to his family as well as not to bankrupt his family fighting a long drawn-out legal battle, not because he had committed such an unforgivable crime. White residents have not expressed that same concern, perhaps accepting the idea there is so much evidence until he had no choice but to plead guilty.

Meanwhile, we must wait until mid-October for the sentencing. Perhaps at that time we will also understand the provisions of the plea agreements for each indicted person, which may in turn explain more about the case, including the evidence possessed by the prosecutors. 

As we await these revelations, we should realize the racial divide in Jackson is still in existence and could widen to ensnare other Black leaders, if we are not vigilant. It is not so much that Black citizens are not opposed to bribery or other forms of corruption by their leaders. Rather, it is that they have seen these kinds of shows before – from Black Reconstruction officials to Evan Doss and Mike Espy, to name a few – and are painfully concerned about the future of Black leadership in this racist environment. 

Author

Ivory Phillips was born in Rosedale Mississippi in the Summer of ‘42.  He attended and graduated from what was then Rosedale Negro High School in 1960.  From there he went to Jackson State University on an academic scholarship and graduated in 1964 with a B.S. in Social Science Education.  After years of teaching and graduate studies, Phillips returned to JSU in the Fall of 1971, got married, raised a family and spent the next 44 years teaching social sciences there.  In the meantime, he served as Chairman of the Department of Social Science Education, Faculty Senate President, and Dean of the College of Education and Human Development.  While doing so, he tried to make it a practice to keep his teaching lively and truthful with true-to-life examples and personally developed material.

In addition to the work on the campus, he became involved in numerous community activities.  Among them was editorial writing for the Jackson Advocate, consulting on the Ayers higher education discrimination case, coaching youth soccer teams, two of which won state championships, working on political campaigns, and supporting Black liberation struggles, including the Republic of New Africa, the All-Peoples Revolutionary Party, Mississippi Alliance of State Employees, and the development of a Black Community Political Convention. 

In many ways these activities converge as can be detected from his writings in the Jackson Advocate.  Over the years those writings covered history, politics, economics, education, sports, religion, culture and sociology, all from the perspective of Black people in Jackson, Mississippi, America, and the world.

Obviously, these have kept him beyond busy.  Yet, in his spare time, he loved listening to Black music, playing with his grandchildren, making others laugh, and being helpful to others.

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