OPINION: Mississippi’s historically Black universities remain vulnerable

The Board of Trustees and the state legislature currently are considering proposals reducing state funding to Alcorn, Jackson State, and Mississippi Valley State, and do so to such an extent these universities’ long-term viability is questionable. 

This condition may be new to the younger generation and younger scholars. It has, nevertheless, surfaced on many occasions in this state in the past.

Alcorn State University (ASU) was established in May of 1871, becoming Mississippi’s first land-grant college. Despite that fact, Mississippi State University (MSU), which was established seven years later and enrolled its first students in 1880, began immediately receiving the majority of the funds sent to the state by the federal government for agricultural education and experimentation. Today, MSU is allocated more than 90% of such funds. If and when ASU is funded at a new, lower level by the state, it will likely lose programs and personnel, escalating the argument to merge it under MSU or the University of Southern University, as was proposed during the Ayers litigation, or even closed all-together.

Jackson State University (JSU) was deeded to the state in 1940. At that point, it was reduced to being a two-year institution to train Black teachers. Four years later, it was restored to 4-year status, but remained the lowest funded of the then public colleges.

During the early 1970s, JSU had such an enrollment spurt (had not the method of funding by head count been changed) JSU would have soon challenged Ole Miss. In addition to that negative, JSU was denied the opportunity to offer certain programs (especially doctoral-degree programs), and had its development hampered by the quality and frequency of presidents appointed. 

Today, JSU ranks behind the University of Mississippi Medical Center, the University of Mississippi, Mississippi State University, and the University of Southern Mississippi. If and when JSU is funded at a lower level, it will likely lose programs and personnel. Also, the ongoing woes with leadership raises again a long-standing fear of an attempted white take-over of the institution.

Mississippi Valley State University (MVSU) was established and began accepting students in 1950. As one might have expected, MVSU was funded at the lowest level. Furthermore, at the hands of the college board, it has had a tenuous history. There have been numerous proposals for its outright closure or merger under Delta State University, JSU, or the University of Mississippi. As close as such an occurrence has come to fruition thus far has been a proposal rejected by the courts during the Ayers litigation. MVSU, nevertheless, has almost always had to guard against the threat rather than being able to plan a path for future development.

The clear vulnerability of all three – ASU, JSU, and MVSU – has remained due to significant and powerful elements opposing their development from the start because of the economic changes that would generate competition for professional and managerial jobs and a shortage of minimum wage laborers, as well as escalating racial activism. This has remained the case because of the sense of entitlement – the belief more funds should be poured into the predominantly white institutions rather than earmarking sufficient funds for the HBCUs. The vulnerability has remained because many feel the HBCUs are doing an inferior job academically and that the students would be better served elsewhere. The vulnerability is there because many believe HBCUs are no longer needed or justifiable since segregation no longer exists in the system of higher education.

It does not matter to many that these arguments cannot stand up under the lights of truth and justice. These powerful and strategically placed people are in positions to destroy or at least terribly cripple the state’s three HBCUs. Foremost among such is the Board of Trustees of State Institutions of Higher Learning. The Board is directly in charge of the allocation of funds, the oversight of programs, and the employment of administrative personnel for the institutions. It is answerable to no one. It has wreaked havoc in the past and seems poised to do even more damage in the future. Standing behind the Board is the state legislature, which is currently led by members not friends of HBCUs. Behind the legislature stands the governor, who appoints the Board’s members and influences the legislature. And then there is the Department of Education. These entities all are often arrayed against the best interests of HBCUs. 

Across the line from them, one would expect to see the HBCU administrators, faculty and students, HBCU alumni organizations, Black state legislators and officials, civil rights groups, and community activists. Not all of them, however, feel politically free to publicly join the struggle. In such cases the potential or natural allies of the HBCUs are not poised to defend the HBCUs. Let’s help find ways and means to effectively aid in the struggle or immediately replace them with people who can and will. 

Realizing the vulnerability of ASU, JSU and MVSU, we cannot afford to allow these crucially important institutions of higher education to be emasculated, while we watch, as though we are helpless or do not care.