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OPINION: Trump as dictator: Who said it couldn’t happen America?

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It is becoming clearer each day that Donald Trump is on the path that other dictators have followed. In his quest, he is aided by much of the class of ultra wealthy investors and business persons; by racists of every stripe, including some evangelicals, private militia, and KKK-types; and by many rural and working-class citizens having been duped.

It is not difficult to see the dictatorial trends. First, he is issuing orders, like a monarch, king, or dictator. He is trying to rule through executive orders. It does not matter to him if the orders are unpopular, illegal, or unconstitutional. They have included matters across the board, many of which are clearly discriminatory and mean-spirited. The common denominator is that they are based on the will and fancy of Trump personally, or as he has been persuaded by his fellow travelers. 

He seems to believe that he can order people to do whatever he wishes since he is the chief executive. That is true so long as the courts uphold his orders and the people comply. Under most dictatorial regimes, the rubber stamp is what the ruler desires. 

The underlying reality with his executive orders is that he is already getting the subordinates confirmed who will willingly carry out each and every order. That takes care of the executive branch.

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This brings us to the second part of the strategy. He is engaged in a very successful effort of controlling the membership of the Republican majority in both houses of Congress and how it votes on crucial issues. These legislators, if they vote contrary to his wishes, are threatened with being “primaried” by other candidates who will have the financing of the oligarchs, the backing of Trump and the MAGA machine, and by the “goon squad” which has been infused with convicted insurrectionists.. As long as they can hold on to a majority in both houses, no matter how thin the majorities, Trump can have his way. 

At the same, unless and until the Democrats gain substantial majorities in both houses, he can veto anything they attempt to pass which he does not favor. That takes care of the legislative branch.

Presently, six of the nine members of the Supreme Court often side with Trump when legal matters are presented. The court has even gone so far as to suggest that he is immune from prosecution for acts committed when he is acting in his capacity as president. To add to that secured station, he is in the position to name other compliant justices when any of the current justices retire. Meanwhile, he can and likely will name more federal judges at each level who think like him or who are willing to let him have his way. That takes care of the judiciary and any chance that it will halt Trump’s mad drive to one-man rule. As a footnote, those having closely studied Trump perhaps realize that even if the Supreme Court summons enough courage to overturn some of his major executive orders, he is likely to defy the court, as dictators elsewhere have done.

In addition to how Trump can and is likely to try and get away with his dictatorial ways, it should escape nobody’s attention that through his pardon power, he has already created what is in essence a personal army, goon squad, or mob enforcers, who can and may be leased on anyone opposing Trump and his agenda. That, along with his instability, means that nothing is out of bounds, that he is unpredictable, and that he is a dangerous man.

We realize that this is a dark and dreary picture for people caring about democracy and human rights. The intent, however, is to emphasize the enormity of the problem with which we currently are faced and to point to the areas where engagement/struggle must occur. Hopefully, serious-minded people will understand and rise to the task.

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We, therefore, offer two suggestions. The first is that they carefully study Project 2025 – it is a fairly comprehensive blueprint of where the Trump team wants to go and how they plan to get there. With that knowledge, Team Democracy and Human Rights, which should be most citizens, must organize and be prepared to counter each move or initiative of Team Trump.

The second is that many people and groups, such as the Democratic Party, the Southern Poverty Law Center, the American Civil Liberties Union, the NAACP, Indivisible, and MoveOn, need to unite and pool their information, resources, and strategies to turn aside this dangerous threat. As they organize and work together, they need to present the fruits of their labor, with no holds barred, through the media and the courts, in the streets, and whatever other lawful means are necessary.

It should be clear that this is an all-out battle to ultimately decide whether this country becomes a solid constitutional democracy or Trump becomes a solid dictator, backed by a corps of oligarchs. The door is still open, but perhaps, not for long.    

Author

Ivory Phillips was born in Rosedale Mississippi in the Summer of ‘42.  He attended and graduated from what was then Rosedale Negro High School in 1960.  From there he went to Jackson State University on an academic scholarship and graduated in 1964 with a B.S. in Social Science Education.  After years of teaching and graduate studies, Phillips returned to JSU in the Fall of 1971, got married, raised a family and spent the next 44 years teaching social sciences there.  In the meantime, he served as Chairman of the Department of Social Science Education, Faculty Senate President, and Dean of the College of Education and Human Development.  While doing so, he tried to make it a practice to keep his teaching lively and truthful with true-to-life examples and personally developed material.

In addition to the work on the campus, he became involved in numerous community activities.  Among them was editorial writing for the Jackson Advocate, consulting on the Ayers higher education discrimination case, coaching youth soccer teams, two of which won state championships, working on political campaigns, and supporting Black liberation struggles, including the Republic of New Africa, the All-Peoples Revolutionary Party, Mississippi Alliance of State Employees, and the development of a Black Community Political Convention. 

In many ways these activities converge as can be detected from his writings in the Jackson Advocate.  Over the years those writings covered history, politics, economics, education, sports, religion, culture and sociology, all from the perspective of Black people in Jackson, Mississippi, America, and the world.

Obviously, these have kept him beyond busy.  Yet, in his spare time, he loved listening to Black music, playing with his grandchildren, making others laugh, and being helpful to others.

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