Advertisement

OPINION: Despite the thin Republican majorities in Congress, Trump can become a dictator

Getting your Trinity Audio player ready...

Depending upon resignations and presidential appointments, this year there may be no more than a five-vote Republican majority in the House of Representatives (220 to 215) and a six-vote majority in the Senate (53 to 47). Those margins may tighten even more as special elections take place.

Because of those thin majorities, some news commentators and Democratic officials are overjoyed, indicating the thin majorities will make it nearly impossible for Trump to get the things he and many right-wing politicians desire. They make it appear that his agenda will be dead on arrival. Under normal conditions that would be the case; after all, Congress is the legislative branch of government. With that being the case, a few Republicans can join the Democrats and kill any proposed legislation.

What one dares not forget, however, is Trump is no ordinary character. In my opinion, it is not just that he wants to be a dictator – he has operated and continues to operate like a mob boss, threatening and intimidating. He will soon have the power to function far and away above what most institutions can block or control. In my opinion, he does not respect any laws that stand in his way, and he is unstable enough to be unpredictable and uncontrollable.

With those ideas in mind, let me examine four of the reasons why I say Trump can become a dictator despite the Republicans having thin majorities in both houses of Congress. 

Advertisement

(1) The fact is that every Republican member of Congress will be under tremendous pressure to vote the way Trump wants him or her to vote on every issue. This means that Congress is not necessarily an independent body when Trump comes calling. Republican members will most often cave to his will. In that sense, he becomes dictatorial. 

(2) If Congress becomes independent enough through the election of more Democrats or more Republicans developing spines, Trump can and likely will turn to executive orders to get his policies across. Such orders could have the same impact as legislation, just not the same permanency. Furthermore, he will have the comfort of believing his executive orders will be upheld by the Supreme Court, since the majority of its members are conservative. In these cases, his orders are like decrees from a dictator. 

(3) Whether Congress acts or not, Trump can and will order his cabinet members, staff, and agency heads to carry out his policy ideas. Who would refuse the dictation? 

(4) Finally, Trump will be the commander-in-chief of the military. As in the case of dictators, the use of it against perceived enemies could go unchallenged. It is even more terrible than would be the similar use of federal attorneys and the FBI, which he also will direct.

 In my view, any of those four courses of action would mean we are witnessing a dictatorship. It would just be a matter of how comprehensive, intensive, and permanent the regime becomes. 

Advertisement

If we believe that “when we fight, we win,” a dictatorship must be met while it is still in the making and fought every step of the way. We are talking about messaging, organizing, lobbying, protesting, voting, and suing. Unless enough citizens, activists, and organizers, and enough political leaders and office-holders become and remain fully awake and aware, we will wake-up one day and realize the dream of a democracy has been replaced by the nightmare of a dictator who has been and is being financially backed by oligarchs and urged on by white supremacists, violent and otherwise. 

Author

Ivory Phillips was born in Rosedale Mississippi in the Summer of ‘42.  He attended and graduated from what was then Rosedale Negro High School in 1960.  From there he went to Jackson State University on an academic scholarship and graduated in 1964 with a B.S. in Social Science Education.  After years of teaching and graduate studies, Phillips returned to JSU in the Fall of 1971, got married, raised a family and spent the next 44 years teaching social sciences there.  In the meantime, he served as Chairman of the Department of Social Science Education, Faculty Senate President, and Dean of the College of Education and Human Development.  While doing so, he tried to make it a practice to keep his teaching lively and truthful with true-to-life examples and personally developed material.

In addition to the work on the campus, he became involved in numerous community activities.  Among them was editorial writing for the Jackson Advocate, consulting on the Ayers higher education discrimination case, coaching youth soccer teams, two of which won state championships, working on political campaigns, and supporting Black liberation struggles, including the Republic of New Africa, the All-Peoples Revolutionary Party, Mississippi Alliance of State Employees, and the development of a Black Community Political Convention. 

In many ways these activities converge as can be detected from his writings in the Jackson Advocate.  Over the years those writings covered history, politics, economics, education, sports, religion, culture and sociology, all from the perspective of Black people in Jackson, Mississippi, America, and the world.

Obviously, these have kept him beyond busy.  Yet, in his spare time, he loved listening to Black music, playing with his grandchildren, making others laugh, and being helpful to others.

error: